美国警察枪支使用法律制度及对我国的启示

美国警察使用枪支需遵循必要合理原则和生命威胁原则,符合法律和警局政策规定的条件和程序。我国可以借鉴美国警察枪支使用法律制度的优点,从强化对警察的保护、规定明确的用枪原则和详尽的用枪条件、健全警察用枪程序和相关支撑制度等方面,完善我国警察枪支使用法律制度。     

美国在非洲维和的经验教训及其启示

开展维和行动是实现联合国宗旨和维护世界安全与稳定的重要手段。作为联合国安理会五大常任理事国之一,美国是联合国完成维和任务不可或缺的,甚至具有决定性作用的国家。冷战时期美国的非洲维和行动在争吵和小心翼翼中进行,冷战后美国的非洲维和战略经历了积极主动向有选择地介入转变的过程,当前美国的非洲维和行动则是在崇尚自主的前提下推广美国特色的维和,以期最大限度地彰显美国实力、维护美国核心利益。审视美国非洲维和战略的演变,汲取足够的经验教训,有利于更好地根据世情和国情定位中国未来的维和战略。     

美国边防管理理念及其启示

美中两国作为世界上比较大的海陆兼备的国家,边防环境有着诸多相似之处.从边界管理外移、重视海防、实施差异化边界管理模式、注重科技防边等方面对美国边防管理理念进行分析,提出美国边防管理理念带给中国边防管理工作的启示：陆海并重,突出海防;区别对待;预防为主;科技管边。     

单层反射模式蓝宝石腔体的9.7GHz频率基准

分析了多层圆柱形蓝宝石腔体谐振器为实现Bragg谐振模式需满足的尺寸条件。仿真并设计了单层腔体,利用teflon支撑件将蓝宝石固定在内部镀银的金属腔体内。其在9.7GHz频点实现了Bragg包含模式,Q值高于200 000。利用该谐振器作为带通滤波器构建了室温下的X波段振荡器。该振荡器还包括低噪放、滤波器和手动移相器。通过合理选择谐振器的插入损耗和调节移相器,该振荡器成功实现了稳定输出。测试结果表明,该振荡器具有低的相位噪声但易受环境温度影响。由于采用了极高Q值的蓝宝石谐振器,该振荡器可能成为目前最低相噪的X波段室温频率基准。     

二维损耗和色散介质光子晶体传输特性的研究

将传输矩阵法(TMM)用于光子晶体传输特性的研究,采用Mur近似吸收边界和周期边界来截断计算区域,计算了以TM模正入射时,二维方格子光子晶体在完整周期结构下的透过率谱;在微波波段制作了光子晶体模型,并设计了实验装置,实验与数值模拟计算结果相符合;另外还研究了有损介质光子晶体、色散和吸收介质光子晶体的传输特性,及其对光子禁带的影响。     

基于参数化建模的包带式星箭连接结构优化设计

采用MSC.Patran参数化建模和遗传算法进行包带式星箭连接结构优化设计。首先给出了包带连接结构二维轴对称模型优化设计过程中涉及的V形卡块刚度等效、包带预紧力模拟和载荷施加方法,以及强度和刚度约束条件、优化目标等内容;然后以某直径为3m的包带连接结构为例进行了优化设计,并分析了对接框内延伸段长度和端头高度对应力及变形的影响;最后建立三维有限元模型进行静力分析。结果表明（1）该方法适用于包带连接结构的优化设计;（2）增加对接框内延伸段长度和端头高度能够提高整体连接刚度;（3）三维有限元模型与轴对称模型计算结果一致,验证了轴对称模型分析方法的正确性,以及V形卡块等效和预紧力模拟方法的有效性。     

The industrial structure of National Defence and transaction costs

A recent paper in Defence Economics suggests that “a single variable, the public opinion balance, ... when accompanied by a control variable measuring the proportion of responses in the ‘residuum’ (no opinion or keep the status quo), permits an accurate prediction of subsequent changes in the rate of change of U.S. defense outlays from the mid‐1960s through the 1980s” (Higgs and Kilduff, 1993, p. 227). In contrast, this comment provides evidence that since 1986 the Higgs‐Kilduff model frequently mispredicts the direction of U.S. defense spending. In addition, the average prediction error, and its variance, since 1986 consistently exceeds the average prediction error, and its variance, for the years prior to 1986.     

Contents and Author Index,Volume 19, 2012

The U.S. Congress, charged with overseeing U.S. nuclear weapons policy and programs, usually addresses such policies and programs through the annual authorization and appropriations process, focusing mostly on questions of how many and what types of weapons the United States should deploy, with little attention paid to questions about nuclear weapons strategy, doctrine, and policy. The oversight process has brought about some significant changes in the plans for U.S. nuclear weapons, including the elimination of funding for the Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator study and the shift of that funding into a study of the Reliable Replacement Warhead. But with the focus on authorizations and appropriations, along with the divided jurisdiction over nuclear weapons policy and programs in congressional committees, Congress has not, either recently or during the Cold War and post–Cold War eras, conducted a more comprehensive review of U.S. nuclear weapons strategy, policy, or force structure. Changes in committee jurisdictions could affect the oversight process, but as long as nuclear weapons policy and programs remain a relatively low priority for most members of Congress, and the country at large, it is unlikely that Congress will pursue such a comprehensive debate.     

ACHIEVING NUCLEAR BALANCE

One of the most important questions affecting U.S. national security is the future size of the U.S. nuclear stockpile. While there is clear consensus within the U.S. government on the need to reduce the size of the arsenal, there is none on the best path to achieve these cuts; on the type of deterrent necessary to deal with future threats; or on the size of the production complex needed to support that arsenal. Creating a strategic commission to review these questions, as contemplated in the Fiscal 2008 House Defense Authorization bill, is a necessary first step to establish a sensible nuclear policy. The Reliable Replacement Warhead, which has the potential to transform the complex while preserving the current moratorium on nuclear testing, is a program worth exploring further if it stays within congressionally mandated bounds. As Congress considers both programmatic and policy matters related to U.S. nuclear weapons, it is vital that we also renew and strengthen U.S. leadership on nuclear nonproliferation.     

INDIA AND THE NEW LOOK OF U.S. NONPROLIFERATION POLICY

U.S. nuclear export policy has undergone major transformations since 1945, and the most recent change, as expressed in the July 18, 2005, India-U.S. Joint Statement, represents an especially significant shift in policy. The document reverses more than a quarter century of U.S. declaratory policy, suggesting that the current U.S. administration regards nuclear proliferation to be both inevitable and not necessarily a bad thing. This article investigates this policy shift, looking at the history of U.S. nuclear export policy and the potential ramifications of the new policy on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). The author also touches on the potential effects of the Joint Statement on Indian-Pakistani relations. Finally, it is suggested that it is not too late for India and the United States to change the new policy with more consideration for the NPT and the Nuclear Suppliers Group Initiative.